2024 Taiwan White Paper
Messages to Washington
Despite a lack of formal diplomatic relations with the United States due to unique historical and political circumstances, Taiwan has continued to be one of America’s most reliable friends. Here are just a few of the ways that close connection has been manifested:
Strategic interests. In a region of critical importance for the United States, Taiwan is a valued ally and source of support for continued peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific. In addition to its crucial geographic position in the first island chain between Northeast and Southeast Asia, Taiwan is seen as a trusted partner for the United States, with its commitment to democratic principles, human rights, and the rule of law. This year’s orderly, hard-fought, three-way presidential election further underscored Taiwan’s position as an exemplary model of democracy in the region.
Technological connections. In recent years, pandemic-related supply chain concerns have drawn attention to Taiwan’s prowess in the production of the semiconductors needed to make everything from missiles to automobiles to household appliances. Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. (TSMC) is now world-renowned as the source of an estimated 95% of the world’s most sophisticated chips. Given leading American corporations’ close collaboration with TSMC and other Taiwanese chipmakers to protect product quality and intellectual property, U.S.-Taiwan cooperation in the sector has taken on huge importance, both commercially and in terms of national security.
Investment into the United States. Taiwanese companies are now among the most active in investing in manufacturing projects in the United States, creating thousands of high-paying jobs. TSMC alone is committed to building three semiconductor fabs in Arizona, investing a total of US$65 billion and potentially generating 6,000 high- tech employment opportunities. Another 20,000 workers are expected to be needed during the construction phase. Additional investment projects are coming from suppliers of materials and equipment to support the chipmakers, as well as from companies in such fields as green energy, photonics, electric vehicles, and automotive components. To solicit that investment and promote trade, more than a dozen U.S. states have opened offices in Taiwan in the past year and a half. By the end of 2024, there will be at least 23 U.S. state offices in Taiwan.
Booming trade. Taiwan ranked as America’s eighth- largest goods trading partner in 2023. The US$128 billion in two-way trade far exceeds the amount with much more populous countries, such as India and Brazil. In the first quarter of 2024, the trade value rose to a record high of nearly US$40 billion, according to Taiwan’s International Trade Administration. Taiwan’s strong demand for agricultural products such as soybeans, corn, and wheat has made it the seventh-largest importer of American farm products. Building for the future, the bilateral economic relationship is being bolstered by ongoing negotiations to conclude an agreement under the U.S.-Taiwan Initiative on 21st Century Trade.
In this environment, American businesses operating in Taiwan have been prospering. Membership in AmCham Taiwan has been rising steadily, totaling an all-time high of over 1,200 individuals representing more than 570 enterprises. In the Chamber’s 2024 Business Climate Survey, more than 80% of respondents expressed continued high confidence in the Taiwan economy and their companies’ business prospects.
To preserve this favorable environment for U.S. companies and to further enhance the vitality of the overall U.S.-Taiwan relationship, AmCham Taiwan urges the American government to take the following steps:
1. Ensure continued sufficient support for Taiwan’s defense. Security and predictability are vital for business operations and economic sustainability. Over the past two years, tensions in the region have risen as a result of threats and attempted intimidation by increasingly belligerent actors. In response, Taiwan has moved to strengthen its defense posture by increasing its military budget, extending the length of service for conscripts, and revamping its reserve system. Private-sector groups have also established civil defense programs. But external assistance is still essential. AmCham appreciates the support from the Biden administration and both sides of the aisle in Congress in helping to fortify Taiwan’s ability to defend itself. Besides the continued provision of defensive military equipment in line with the Taiwan Relations Act, the United States is helping Taiwan reinforce its cybersecurity capabilities and has expanded the types of training, logistical support, and strategic cooperation made available.
The United States needs to see to it that the delivery of agreed-upon arms packages to Taiwan is handled expeditiously. Excessive procedural requirements, as well as the demand for military supplies to support the defense of Ukraine, have stretched the time from order to delivery to as long as five or six years in many cases. We also suggest that the U.S. government look at helping to empower Taiwan’s defense industry by facilitating the participation of suitable Taiwanese companies in the supply chains of American defense contractors. Moreover, we encourage the United States to build support for the maintenance of peace in the Taiwan Strait among allies throughout the region, including Australia, Japan, the Philippines, and South Korea, since any conflict would bring disastrous repercussions for the entire Indo-Pacific.
2. Complete agreement on the U.S.-Taiwan Initiative on 21st Century Trade and use it as a springboard for a full-fledged bilateral trade agreement.
The Initiative is an excellent opportunity for the United States and Taiwan to define fundamental principles that could serve as a new gold standard for international trade and investment agreements. An initial agreement covering chapters on good regulatory practices (GRP), customs administration and trade facilitation, regulation of services, small- and medium-sized enterprises, and anti-corruption policies was signed in mid-2023.
The GRP chapter is of particular relevance to our member companies. When it is implemented, it will be vital to the sustained and effective use of public platforms for notice and comment, adopt a broad definition of “trade, investment and intellectual property matters” in determining which regulations fall under the provisions, and clearly stipulate the kinds of “urgent situations” that may be exempt from the provisions to avoid misapplication.
The first agreement has yet to go into effect, pending internal processes in the two governments. AmCham eagerly anticipates the swift implementation of the agreement and looks forward to our member companies participating in the consultative committees it establishes, particularly the GRP Committee outlined in section 3.17.
Meanwhile, negotiations are proceeding on chapters of the Initiative dealing with agricultural trade, labor rights, and environmental protection – to be followed by digital trade, state-owned enterprises, industry standards, and non-market policies. AmCham urges conclusion of a robust accord by the end of this year, providing momentum to move forward on a full-scale, comprehensive bilateral trade agreement (BTA).
In recent years, controversy over trade policy has made it difficult for the U.S. government to consider entering into any new free trade agreements. Hopefully, however, a U.S.-Taiwan agreement can be an exception. Once the Initiative is completed, the majority of the sections of a BTA will already have been negotiated, leaving mainly tariffs and other market-access considerations to be addressed.
Even more importantly, there is strong bipartisan support in Congress for concluding a BTA with Taiwan. This support has been growing due to increasing recognition of the national security implications for Taiwan associated with such an agreement. The Biden administration has also sought closer cooperation with Taiwan in many areas. A U.S.-Taiwan BTA no longer seems like a pipedream.
3. Enact necessary legislation for a U.S.-Taiwan agreement on double taxation avoidance. After years of discussion with little progress, Taiwan and the United States seem closer than ever to finalizing a bilateral arrangement to avoid double taxation between the two jurisdictions. The breakthrough was the development of proposed legislation in the U.S. Congress to provide protection against double tax liability for Taiwanese entities operating in or dealing with the United States. Once the law is passed, it would go into effect after equivalent provisions were enacted by Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan to cover American entities.
The initiative has received broad bipartisan backing in Congress at a time when such cooperation between Democrats and Republicans has been a rarity, and the Taiwanese government has been equally supportive of concluding such an arrangement. The main motivation on both sides is the growing interest of Taiwanese companies in investing in the United States to take advantage of market opportunities. In particular, the above-mentioned huge investment by TSMC has increased awareness in the United States of how Taiwanese investment can spur job creation and technological advances in key industries.
Yet despite positive conditions, the legislation has been stuck in the Senate Finance Committee because of arcane Senate practices that have bundled it together with other bills that enjoy less sweeping support. Considering the benefits that both economies would derive from this legislation, as well as the symbolic value its passage would represent for U.S.-Taiwan relations, we request speedy action in Washington to find a creative solution to the current impasse.
4. Schedule visits to Taiwan by high-level U.S. government officials on a routine basis. China’s overreaction to the August 2022 Taiwan visit by then-Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi raised the level of sensitivity surrounding contacts with Taiwan by senior American officials. However, this should not deter U.S. government administrations from utilizing visits by Cabinet secretaries or other officials to advance mutually beneficial relations between two major trading partners.
Conducting such high-level visits more frequently reminds all observers that they are a routine matter. When they are rare, they may be perceived as more provocative. At one time, such trips by officials of Cabinet rank were indeed fairly routine. During the 1990s, they occurred once every two years on average, and they aroused little more than an expression of displeasure from Beijing. In more recent years, the sole Cabinet-level visitor was then-Secretary of Health and Human Services Alex Azar in January 2021, although members of Congress and state governors come to Taiwan on a regular basis.
Whatever the visitors’ rank, their presence in Taiwan represents a concrete demonstration of the solidity of the bilateral relationship and is greatly appreciated by the Taiwanese government and people. On a practical level, such visits can also play an extremely useful role in furthering cooperation and policy alignment between the two parties, as well as raising issues of concern to U.S. companies and helping to accelerate reform in Taiwan. These contacts could form the basis for meaningful bilateral advances in such key areas as energy, climate change mitigation, healthcare, transportation, and environmental protection.
5. Continue efforts to promote Taiwan’s participation in relevant international organizations. Beijing’s objections have kept Taiwan out of many international organizations, often with potentially serious ramifications for the health and safety of its people. AmCham appreciates the efforts of the U.S. government to champion Taiwan’s entry into organizations that do not require statehood as a condition of membership. When full membership is impossible, Taiwan has sought observer status to at least ensure basic access to information.
Taiwan’s agile response to the pandemic and its donation of large quantities of masks and other protective equipment to the United States and other countries demonstrated its commitment to advancing international health. Yet it has been excluded from the World Health Assembly and related opportunities for cross-border collaboration. Similarly, lack of participation in the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) carries potential risks for flight safety, and exclusion from Interpol impedes efforts to counter criminal activity.
The U.S. government has voiced support for widening Taiwan’s opportunities to interact with these important organizations. In view of the continued opposition those efforts are encountering, we urge Washington to intensify its campaign to persuade more allied nations to join the cause.
儘管美台之間基於歷史及政治因素缺乏正式外交關係,但台灣依然是美國在世界上最可靠的盟友之一。以下是幾個美台展現緊密關係的例子:
戰略利益。印太地區對美國的重要性不言可喻,而台灣正是維護並支持印太地區穩定和平的重要盟友。台灣位處東北亞到東南亞島鏈間之重要地理位置,致力維護美台共享的民主原則、人權、法治等價值觀,因而被美國視為值得信賴的夥伴。今年的台灣總統選舉在三名候選人參選的情況下順利完成大選,進一步凸顯台灣作為亞太地區民主典範的地位。
科技交流。由於疫情期間的供應鏈韌性議題,近年來讓台灣的半導體生產能力在全球受到大量關注,不管是飛彈、汽車、家電等各種產品的生產都需要用到半導體。台灣積體電路製造股份有限公司(簡稱台積電)因為製造全球95%的先進晶片而享譽全球。由於在維護高品質及保護智慧財產權方面,美國領先企業與台積電及其他台灣晶片廠均密切合作,因此美台在晶片以及相關科技產業的高度配合,基於商業價值乃至於國家安全,都變得至關重要。
對美國投資。台灣企業目前已躋身全球最積極投資美國製造業的行列,創造出數千個高薪就業機會。單台積電即承諾在亞利桑那州建造三座半導體晶圓廠,總投資額達650億美元,在廠房施工階段預計所需之20,000名工人之餘,也預計創造6,000名高科技就業機會。其他投資專案還包括為台積電提供支援的材料與設備供應商,以及綠色能源、光子學、電動車,以及其他汽車零件等領域的公司。為了吸引投資並促進貿易,美國在過去一年半裡已有超過12個州於台灣設立辦事處,預計在2024年底達到23個州辦事處。
貿易蓬勃發展。台灣在2023年成為美國第八大商品貿易夥伴,雙向貿易總額達1,280億美元,遠遠超過印度、巴西等人口大國。根據台灣經濟部國際貿易署的資料,貿易額在2024年第一季已上升至近400億美元的歷史新高。台灣對大豆、玉米、小麥等農產品的大量需求,使其成為美國農產品第七大出口市場。為了打造更美好的未來,雙方正為「台美21世紀貿易倡議」進行談判,持續強化雙邊經濟關係。
在台灣營運的美國企業蓬勃發展局勢下,台灣美國商會的會員數量穩定增加,目前會員總數已達到史上最高,擁有超過1,200名會員,代表570多家企業。根據台灣美國商會的2024年商業景氣調查報告顯示,超過八成受訪者對台灣經濟及企業前景持續抱持高度信心。
為了維護良好的美商投資營業環境,並進一步增強美台整體關係的動能,台灣美國商會對美國政府提出以下幾點建議措施:
1. 確保台灣國防持續獲得充分支持。
安全性與可預測性對於業務營運和經濟永續性至關重要。過去兩年來,挑戰區域和平的各種威脅與恐嚇企圖日益強烈,導致印太地區的緊張局勢加劇。
台灣在過去兩年來透過增加國防預算、延長義務役役期、及改革後備軍人制度等方式,強化國防措施;民間團體也建立相關民防計畫。
儘管如此,外部協助對於台灣仍然不可或缺。對於拜登政府及眾議院兩黨大力支持提升台灣自我防禦的能力,台灣美國商會深表感激。美國除依《台灣關係法》持續提供國防軍事設備外,亦協助台灣鞏固其網路安全能力,並且增加其所提供的訓練種類、後勤支援、及策略合作等。
除此之外,美國更應確保雙方已同意的軍售內容能迅速且即時的交貨給台灣。過多的程序要求往往導致訂單到交付的時間延長到五、六年之久,我們因而建議美國政府促進合適的台灣公司參與美國國防承包商供應鏈,協助加強台灣的國防工業。我們鼓勵美國尋求印太地區,包括澳洲、日本、菲律賓、韓國等盟友的支持,一起維護台海和平,因為任何衝突都會對整個印太地區帶來災難性的影響。
2. 就「台美21世紀貿易倡議」達到一致共識,並以此作為全面雙邊貿易協定的跳板。
「台美21世紀貿易倡議」是個千載難逢的好機會,讓美國與台灣能就國際貿易與投資協議制定全新如黃金標準的基本原則。初始協議於2023年年中簽署,涵蓋良好法制作業、關務行政與貿易便捷化、服務業國內規章、中小企業、反貪腐政策等內容。
良好法制作業專章對我們的會員公司尤其密切相關。該專章在實施後,將確保用於公告與評論程序的政府平台應受到持續且有效之利用,並對「貿易、投資、智慧財產權事宜」的適用性採用更宏觀的定義,以判斷哪些法規屬於上述範圍,並明確規定各類允許例外情形的「緊急情況」,以確保例外情形不被誤用。
第一份協定目前尚未產生法律效力,仍待兩國政府完成內部程序。台灣美國商會期待協定能迅速實施,並期待我們的會員公司能夠參與由該協定所建立的諮詢委員會,特別是已簽署協定第3.17條中所規定的良好法制作業委員會。
同時,在「台美21世紀貿易倡議」中涉及農業、勞動、環境章節的談判正在進行中,隨後會再就數位貿易、國營事業、標準、非市場政策及作法等事項進行協商。台灣美國商會敦促協商在今年底前穩健完成,以進一步推進全面性雙邊貿易協定。
近幾年來,貿易政策的相關爭議已導致美國政府難以考慮簽訂任何新的自由貿易協定,不過希望美台協定能夠成為例外。一旦「台美21世紀貿易倡議」簽署完成後,雙邊貿易協定的多數內容皆已經完成談判,剩下需要解決的主要是關稅和其他市場准入問題。
更重要的是,眾議院兩黨都強烈支持與台灣締結雙邊貿易協定,並且由於兩黨都體認到這種協定對台灣的國家安全影響,因此而不斷提高支持力道。拜登政府也尋求在許多領域與台灣更密切合作,使得美國與台灣的雙邊貿易協定似乎不再只是癡人說夢。
3. 推動美台避免雙重課稅立法。
此項立法在經過多年討論卻進展甚微之後,近期台灣與美國似乎比往年都更接近達成避免雙重課稅的協議。而這項進展來自於美國國會擬提案立法,針對在美國經營業務或是跟美國有業務往來的台灣法人個體提供免雙重課稅責任的保護。該項法案一旦在美國通過之後,台灣政府即針對美國法人個體訂立同等條款,經立法院同意後隨即生效。
儘管目前民主黨與共和黨的合作情況相當少見,這項倡議在國會獲得兩黨廣泛支持,而台灣政府也同樣支持達成該等安排。雙方的主要動機是台灣公司因市場商機而對投資美國的興趣日益濃厚,特別是前面提到台積電的巨額投資,讓美國更能體認到台灣投資如何在關鍵產業中創造工作機會與技術進展。
然而儘管具備各項有利條件,該法案仍因為參議院基於慣例,把這項法案與其他支持度分歧的法案捆綁在一起,造成該法目前在參議院的財政委員會擱置。考量到雙方因這項立法將獲得之益處,以及通過法案對於美台關係的象徵意義,我們呼籲華府迅速採取行動,為目前的僵局找到有創意的解方。
4. 安排美國政府高層官員定期訪台。
2022年八月時任眾議院院長裴洛西訪台,當時中國的過度反應,導致美國高層官員與台灣接觸的敏感度升高。不過這種情況不應阻礙美國政府利用美國內閣成員或其他政府官員透過訪問台灣,進一步促進兩個主要貿易夥伴間的互惠關係。
高層訪問如果變得更頻繁,就會讓所有觀望者覺得這只是例行公事;如果高層訪問相當少見,就可能會讓人覺得更具挑釁意味。過去有段時間,美國內閣層級官員訪問的確相當平常。在1990年代,平均每兩年訪問一次,僅引起北京表示不滿。近幾年來,儘管國會議員與州長都會定期訪台,但唯一內閣層級是2021年1月的衛生與公共服務部部長亞歷克斯‧阿薩爾(Alex Azar)。
不管訪客的層級如何,他們訪台都是美台關係穩固的具體展現,並受到台灣政府與人民的高度肯定。從實務層面來看,這種訪問對於進一步推動雙方合作與政策對接、討論美國企業所關心的問題、以及幫助台灣加速改革等,也能發揮極為有益的作用。而這種雙方接觸也有助於在能源、因應環境政策、醫療保健、交通、環境保護等關鍵領域,奠定有意義的雙邊發展基礎。
5. 持續推動台灣參與國際組織。
北京政府的反對讓台灣無法加入許多國際組織,這種情況經常會對台灣人民的健康與安全造成潛在嚴重後果。台灣美國商會感謝美國政府的努力,支持台灣加入不需要以國家地位作為入會條件的組織。台灣在無法成為正式成員的情況下,也已取得觀察員身分,至少保障基本的資訊取得權。
台灣在面對新冠疫情的靈敏應對,以及為美國與其他國家捐贈大量口罩和其他防護設備,確實展現出其捍衛國際衛生的承諾,然而,台灣被排除在世界衛生大會之外,也無法獲得世界衛生大會所提供的跨國合作機會。同樣地,無法參與國際民航組織(ICAO),也會為台灣飛航安全帶來潛在風險,而無法加入國際刑警組織(Interpol),則削弱了台灣為打擊犯罪活動所付出的努力。
美國政府已表示支持擴展台灣與這些重要組織互動的機會。有鑑於這方面的努力都持續遭受反對,我們敦促華府加大宣傳力道,說服更多盟國一起推動台灣加入國際組織。